Pinay flirt photo
This literature has emerged largely in response to Michel Foucault's Historyof Sexuality (1 990) in the form of applications, refinements, and critiques of his work (see Parker and Gagnon 1995; Stanton 1992).
Historians, literary critics, feminists, and scholars in the field of cultural studies are among those who have contributed most to this body of literature and, perhaps not surprisingly, the literature focuses almost exclusively on sexuality in western Europe and the United States.
Chen, the owner and director of a successful employment agency that recruits women from the Philippines to work as "helpers" in Hong Kong. He nonchalantly said, "Perhaps she was too pretty and the employer was worried about her husband." In this article I argue that Mrs.
Wong's treatment of Christina represents far more than the idiosyncratic behavior of a jealous and controlling employer. Wong's attempt to reduce Christina to a less threatening, gender-neutral (or masculine) image is representative of general anxieties about the sexuality of foreign domestic workers in Hong Kong, and the threat that they are thought to pose to Chinese women employers in particular, the Chinese family in general, and Hong Kong society at large as it makes the transition from British colony to Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China.
As a result many previously unemployed middle-class Chinese women were encouraged to take jobs in the service sector (Labour Department 1992).
Similarly, the discourse on foreign domestic workers is inextricably linked, not to any actual disproportionate immorality on their part, but to broader social issues in modern, capitalist, international Hong Kong.' Over the past decade and a half, the literature on histories and discourses of sexuality has grown exponentially to include entire journals devoted to the subject.I have chosen to examine distinct modes ofdress among Filipina domestic workers because in this forum there is invaluable opportunity to examine the interface between employers' discipline of workers, domestic workers' self-discipline, and their contestation or appropriation of particular sexual images.As Barnes and Eicher contend, "social identity expressed in dress becomes not only an answerto whoone is, but also howone is, and concerns the definition of the self in relation to a moral and religious value system" (1992:2; see also Broch-Due et al. As such, modes of dress allow us to see how Filipina domestic workers simultaneously resist and embrace the existing system of power as it is inscribed in the discourse of sex and encoded in sexuality (Abu-Lughod 19).There, on the steps of such great monuments to capitalism as the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, foreign maids speak in languages that the locals cannot understand, and they conduct what is generally regarded as private (indoor) rituals or busi- ness-polishing nails, giving each other haircuts, and applying makeup-in public.Some dress up and others dress "like men"-both practices being cause for concern.
As I contend in this article, the public concern about Filipinas and their sexuality is linked to broader changes in women's roles in the home and the public workforce and in the social identities of foreign domestic workers.